ANNA AND KEJRIWAL: ARE YOU DEAF AND DUMB

India is a secular and democratic country. Here many caste and communities live together from many centuries. we are proud  of our communal harmony. India is the great. we love our India. but communal politics do not like communal harmony  because it does not suit them.  In India there are many political parties like Congress,BJP, Left front and some others regional parties., BIP, ,Shivsena and others some fundamentalist organisation like RSS, Bajrang are directly involved in communal politics. others political parities like Congress,CPM  and others some political parties are not directly involved in communal politics but no serious activities against communal politics. it is very unfortunate and a great challenged to us that communal feeling and activities are increasing day by day in  India.

India is one of the poorest countries in the world. The  POVERTY in India isn't just psycological poverty. The poverty in India isn't just emotional poverty. The poverty in India isn't just social poverty. The poverty in India isn't just religious and cultural poverty. The poverty in India is an absolute poverty. The poverty in India involves poverty in every aspect of life.India is a country  with many problems. many peoples are living here below poverty line (BPL), problems with health,education,pure drinking water ,unemployment are the major and others many problems.  Maoist and others terrorist groups activities are increasing recently in  India.but political parties are not interested about the problems and they are really blind about it ! what they do here? only want power and corruption any way are the main criteria of our great politics in  India! most of politics would like it. nothing can be expected from them. what they can do for our country ! they always trying to spread propaganda and confusion among the peoples only for their interest. they are not interest about public interest.they always work only for their interest.

India is very poor in terms of education, in terms of economic improvement, infrastructure, health care, etc. Here are some of the problems facing India today. In today's India, there is nothing but
What we see dirty politics, corruption and  Communal . politics by our great politics and Indian National party especially communal politics by BJP, RSS and others. What a magic!

India against corruption! Its really good for India. Recently we see the movements against corruption by Anna and Kejriwal. Well for India and also peoples of India!But CORRUPTION  free society are .myth or reality?

communal politics are the great problems and  challenged for Indian democracy and secularism.We can easily see the result of communal politics.

Many communal riots had been  launched in India and many innocent common Muslims have been killed regularly. Many Mosquitoes have been destroyed here by BJP and RSS ,communal party in India.

The 2002 riots in Gujarat and 2012 riots in Assam are very pathetic and unfortunate.

The2002 Gujarat riots:  Massacre in which over 2000 Muslim men, women and children were killed by organized mobs of the Hindu right wing under the protection of the Chief Minister (CM) of the Indian State of Gujarat,  Narendra modi . Over 100,000 Muslims were displaced from their homes as a result of this pogrom. The attacks, massacres, rapes and displacement were extensively covered in the international media. Scathing reports from Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International as well as the Indian human rights organizations pointed out that the massacres and gang-rapes were coordinated, organized, and sanctioned

The AIMMM  takes note of Janvikas report which says that out of the 200,000 Muslims displaced during the 2002 pogroms, 16,000 are still languishing in 83 refugee camps across the state. This is a matter of shame for the state of Gujarat and Central government. The AIMMM sincerely believes that the scars of 2002 will never be healed unless and until the state government and its head show remorse, apologise for their acts of omission and commission, make good the losses suffered by Muslims during those pogroms and make it possible for them to move back to their homes, lands and businesses in dignity. Unless and until this takes place, any talk of MODI becoming prime minister of India is a cruel joke which will lower the status and dignity of India in the eyes of the international community.Rehabilitation does not absolve Narendra Modis govt of 2002 Gujarat riots: UK paper.

We feel very sad  about the present situation about the riots in  ASSAM, , India. Many peoples are suffering a lot due to unsafe and their life are under in danger. specially minorities Muslims are mostly affected.

 the government says the violence, in which 75 people have been killed and more than 400,000 displaced,most of them was Muslims.

But what we see that our great social worker Anna and Kejriwal are silence about communal riots and communal politics.They become deaf and dumb about it.  It is very strange!  Are they really love  INDIA AND SECULAR DEMOCRACY and Indian peoples? 

Why Anna and Kejriwal are not interested  to do any movements against communal forces and Hindutva Fascism ?What is secret behind it? 

 

Corruption free society...myth or reality?

Published on: August 14, 2012 - 22:43

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Today our country is 65-year-old and is preparing itself to be a super power. However, there are many hurdles to cross still, corruption being one such hurdle. It hampers our progress and questions our morality as a nation. On Independence Day NT BUZZ tries to find out whether being free of corruption will remain a myth for Indians.

BY ARTI DAS | NT BUZZ

Imagine a country where every individual gets promoted according to merit, where files are cleared within a given time frame; basically where all work is done without the influence of money or power - a country where the law of the land is supreme, where power does not lie in the hands of few.

Many would say it is an idealistic situation. The fact of the matter is that we are so used to living or rather ‘surviving’ in the world of corruption that freedom from it is now looking like a myth.

Today, we are celebrating 65 years of Independence but we are still trapped in the issue of corruption that hampers everything, right from our economy to ecology.

Speaking to people from various arenas does give a similar feeling. “Well, it seems like that right? As long as we do not as individuals indulge in corrupt practices, we will remain susceptible to creating a nurturing environment for corruption at all levels. It’s all well to condemn corruption in the political sphere but we should also play our part in wiping out the menace in our personal and social spaces as well,” says Anita Haladi, associate professor at DMS College, Mapusa.

Elaborating on corruption at a personal level, many believe that they themselves have indulged in it and sometimes it is forced. “I think it is more visible in public sector rather than private sector. Right from the peon to the top officials there is corruption. Like once I had to clear one file, first that clerk told me that it will take seven months. But, my client was not willing to wait for so long. Thus, I was forced to pay Rs 200 to clear that file and after that my job was done just in a day. This is the reality of today,” laments Jessica Fernandes, lawyer from Nuvem.

She however confirms that it is us who germinate this seed of corruption. “Just the other day I learnt of one standard four student who gave chocolates to all her classmates in order to get them to vote for her as a class monitor. So, we as parents are part of this mess. In order to uproot this corruption we should start from grass root,” adds Jessica.

Many believe corruption is a reality and is spreading its roots all over. “Corruption in our country is a reality that is fuelled by the greed of the powerful, hidden behind the mask of plastic patriotism. India still awaits independence from rapist development, spiteful prejudice and regressive disregard for our countrymen!” says Pravin Sabnis.

They say a journey of thousand miles begins with a single step. So, in order to make this anti-corruption journey we need to be patient. “It is we who start the corruption so it is we who need to stop it. We need to be patient. One file of mine has been stuck for the last one month but I didn’t speak anything about a bribe. Let them take their time. If I can why not others,” says TAG president, Prince Jacob.

Around a year ago when an uprising against this corruption started by way of the India Against Corruption (IAC) and the Anna Hazare movement, people hoped that change has begun. But, a year later the enthusiasm of people died down and we are back to square one - without a Lokpal bill.

Many believe that total eradication is impossible, but that does not mean that the movement was a failure. Artist, Subodh Kerkar explains it with a story. “Corruption is impossible to eradicate. It is like the story of a tehsildar (tax collector), who was very corrupt and couldn’t have done better for himself even when punished. He was deputed to sit on the shores a coast, given the task of counting waves as form of a punishment. The tehsildar found an opportunity to make money even here. He started collecting tax from ship captains that crossed the waves saying that the vessel was stalling his job of counting the waves,” relates Subodh.

But, he concludes with a silver lining. “I think it [corruption] has surely come down. Like for example, now we can get a phone or LPG connection without any influence of money. Also I believe that the Anna Hazare movement was a small but significant wave in a larger prospective. We need agitations, dharnas, but that’s not enough. We need a Lokpal bill and most importantly we need education and awareness about our rights as that will bring about change,” concludes Subodh.

The death of RSS ideology: Should we celebrate?

by Lakshmi Chaudhry Jul 9, 2012

“An RSS pracharak today is as power hungry as his seniors and aspires for air-conditioned comfort and the other mod-cons,” Anand Moonje, grandson of Hindu Mahasabha founder BS Moonje, tells Tehelka in a cover story that would have been better titled, ‘The Death of RSS ideology.” [Read 'A parivar no more' here]

The article paints a picture of a party that has lost its ideological moorings, pursuing power in the absence of vision, saddled with a leadership that cares less about its core values – ie Hindutva – than playing kingmaker:

It is often asked by political observers: “Will the RSS stop interfering in the BJP and let it grow into a mass-based political party?” This question presumes there is a genuine debate within the RSS on this score and that the Sangh is interested in the growth and sustainability of its political arm as an independent entity. In reality, the Sangh doesn’t want to let go. It wants to decide which leaders will emerge and which will be pensioned off.

In recent months, there is also no shortage of grist feeding the ‘BJP/RSS crisis’ rumour mill, from the unseemly public wrangling around Narendra Modi‘s ascension to the latest Karnataka crisis. The last showcasing both the RSS’ stranglehold on BJP leadership and its lack of scruples.

The installment of Jagadish Shettar – a man beloved of the mining barons and now reconciled with the disgraced BS Yeddyurappa – was finally greenlighted by a reluctant LK Advani. “Advani knows Shettar’s family well, and their commitment to the RSS and the party. Hence, he had a change of heart,” said a source close to the great man.

Chief Mohan Rao Bhagwat (C) of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh. AFP

What became suspect instead was the RSS’ own commitment to its pan-Hindu rhetoric as it brokered the shameful deal which jettisoned a faithful and clean Parivar man like Sadananda Gowda merely because he belonged to the wrong caste.

So what does it mean to be a RSS man? And does it matter any more? Shettar was picked purely because of his Lingayat credentials. Sanjay Joshi, on the other hand, was disgraced and discarded despite his enduring loyalty to satisfy a man who famously ignores RSS diktat. As does Yeddyurappawho was rewarded for his personal machinations with Gowda’s ouster. Then again, in Rajasthan, the RSS precipitated an outright rebellion by fanning their man Gulab Chand Kataria’s chief ministerial ambitions to undercut the far more popular Vasundhara Raje.

As Tehelka notes, RSS is now a party of powerbrokers dedicated to the pursuit of political influence, old ideological stalwarts like Advani replaced by a new breed of slick mover-shakers:

Once, Sangh conservatives accused the late Pramod Mahajan of bringing a “five-star culture” to the BJP. Today, it is Suresh Soni who faces such criticism. “Soni has brought money culture into the RSS,” says a Sangh insider. “He has made a business of using RSS clout in trading postings and positions in the government. He has become an agent for deals in states like Madhya Pradesh. And the Sangh is silent.”

The woes of the BJP/RSS partnership has been exhaustively covered in recent months, and many have either celebrated or bewailed the concomitant decline of Hindutva. But what does the possible end of the RSS’ ideological commitment – and therefore that of the BJP – spell for Indian politics as a whole?

“An election cannot give a country a firm sense of direction if it has two or more national parties which merely have different names but are as alike in their principles and aims as two peas in the same pod,” observed Franklin Delano Roosevelt. And to this Obama vs Romney day – for better or worse – the Republican and Democratic parties have offered American voters a well-defined ideological choice.

By Roosevelt’s standard, we Indians have been navigating rudderless for a very long time. In his book, Temptations of the West, Pankaj Mishra brilliantly captures how elections offer one of the few available means of economic mobility for underprivileged, undereducated men who, once in office, seek only to secure their financial future and that of their families. “They all seek power that in societies degraded by colonialism often comes without a redeeming idea of what it is to be used for, the kind of power that, in most cases, amounts to little more than an opportunity to rise above the rest of the population and savour the richness of the world,” Mishra writes.

That RSS pracharak seeking air-conditioned comfort is but conforming to a hallowed grassroots tradition. It’s why our elections rarely entail a serious choice about the nation or its future, or competing ideologies of governance. All the chatter in the media is literally about the gaddi (seat of power): who will ascend the throne this time around? And strident partisan rhetoric – be it pro or anti, BJP or Congress – often amounts to no more than an empty rant, full of sound and fury, signifying nothing.

The one exception is the ongoing national debate about secularism and its value. However flawed their commitments may be, the BJP and the Congress have long represented different visions of India as a nation. The other differences between the BJP and Congress on policy – be it foreign or economic – are mostly a matter of degree. There is greater disagreement between Manmohan Singh and his UPA allies (aka Mamata Banerjee) on foreign investment than his vociferous but vague opponents.

But if the BJP sidelines its Hindutva plank, and the RSS reincarnates itself as a politics-as-usual party, we may well end up with a handful of peas come Election Day. As in more, more, and more of the same: caste-based calculations, communal pandering, politics of personality, and throw-out-the-bums rhetoric that masquerades as democratic choice.

Then again, if Narendra Modi wangles the NDA nomination, the RSS power plays become less relevant. The election will become about Modi and all that he represents – ironically, putting ideology front and centre of the political battle.  No one on either side will have the luxury of playing safe or bland (including Modi). He will polarise the electorate, but also crystalise the issues.What we may get instead is genuine, full-throated debate over the real meaning of catchwords like “development” and “secularism.” And that will be a blessing, indeed.

PAKISTAN: STATE PATRONAGE FOR THE HIJAB? WHY COMPETE WITH FUNDAMENTALISTS?

PAKISTAN: STATE PATRONAGE FOR THE HIJAB? WHY COMPETE WITH FUNDAMENTALISTS?
Tazeen Javed

Barring random news items and a few opinion pieces, the hijab debate has never really been part of the national narrative of Pakistan. Those who wanted to wear hijab/niqab/burqa wore it and those who preferred the traditional shalwar kameez and dupatta chose that without any problem. Unlike Saudi Arabia, Iran or Turkey, there never was governmental coercion or pressure on women to wear a particular type clothing or to ban them from wearing a particular type of clothing in state institutions. A woman’s clothing was her own business as it should be anywhere in the world. However, things are changing.

With the celebration of the World Hijab Day, which had tacit approval of the government and the patronage of the first lady, Nusrat Pervaiz Ashraf, of the Hijab Conference organised by the Jamaat-e-Islami, things are moving in the direction where the state is turning partisan.

The first lady of Pakistan, during the aforementioned conference, exhorted Muslim women to wear a hijab, saying that women could do what they wanted as long as they respect the “limits set by Islam”.

The first lady’s speech encourages women to follow the limits set by Islam but no one can agree on what it entails; one school of thought believes that there should be no hindrance to anyone’s education — including women — while the other believes that women should only be allowed access to education if there are segregated educational institutions for them, right up to higher education. Another school of thought believes that women need no access to higher education as their true calling lies in maintaining a household and raising children. If the speech of the first lady is carefully viewed, perhaps, she supports the third version of ‘limits set by Islam’. In her speech, she urged women to strengthen the family unit, which she said was central to Islamic teachings. As if this was not all, she also deplored that Pakistani women were starting to forget how important family and hijab were.

For starters, there is no direct relationship between a woman’s hijab and her caregiving responsibilities towards her family. Secondly, Pakistani women have not forgotten how important family is for them. If anything, family interferes with their performance at work because of the overwhelming demands by families for their time. Thirdly, positioning hijab with better motherhood and a more fulfilled family life puts the women who do not wear hijab but are just as — if not more — concerned about their families, in an uncomfortable situation. If such views gain official state patronage, it can and will act against the women who do not abide by this particular view.

The first lady ended her speech by calling Fatima Jinnah and Benazir Bhutto “role models” for Pakistani women. However, she failed to point out that neither Benazir Bhutto nor Fatima Jinnah followed those particular limits she so favoured in her speech. Both Ms Bhutto and Ms Jinnah were highly educated women who studied with men; they did not limit themselves to raising children and families and had highly visible political careers. Ms Jinnah was so dedicated to her political career that she did not even marry and have a family of her own and Ms Bhutto was back in her office a fortnight after giving birth to her second child. Last but not the least, neither woman wore a hijab but favoured the traditional Pakistani dupatta.

There are many issues that plague Pakistani women that can do with the attention of the first lady; it would be advisable if she focuses on those issues instead of the hijab/dupatta debate.

The Express Tribune, 18 September 2012

The writer is an Islamabad-based freelance communications consultant. She tweets @tazeen and blogs at http://tazeen-tazeen.blogspot.com

Number of poor in Gujarat jumps by 39.06% in 12 years

The number of poor families in Gujarat’s villages have risen by at least 30 per cent over the last decade, going by the state government’s own data.

In April 2000, there were 23.29 lakh Below Poverty Line (BPL) families in the villages. The number rose to 30.49 lakh as on June 26, 2012, as per the “dynamic list” which the state rural development commissioner’s office constantly updates.

According to the list, which is based on a survey of 78.06 lakh families living in villages, the increase in the number of poor families in villages was 39.06% in percentage terms.

The highest number of poor families were in the tribal districts of Narmada (72.45%), Dahod (71.75%), Dangs (70.14%) and the Panchmahals (50.73%), followed by Banaskantha (48.52%), Valsad(48%), Vadodara (46.66%), Surendranagar (46.5%), Bharuch (46.02), Anand (45.65%), Patan (42.14%), Kheda (42.05%), Surat (40.79%), Ahmedabad(40.56%), Kutch(35.13%), Sabarkantha(32.87%), Mehsana (30.74%), Navsari (28.33%), Amreli (27.62%), Rajkot (27.5%), Porbandar (24.09%), Bhavnagar (22.46%), Jamnagar (22.38%), Gandhinagar (20.58%) and Junagadh (19.5%).

These figures belie claims about Garib Kalyan Melas launched by Chief Minister Narendra Modi in 2009 to alleviate poverty.

Government sources said 822 such functions have been held so far where benefits of various central and state schemes worth Rs 10000 crore have reached 70 lakh poor people.

These included bicyles, homes under the Indira Awas Yojana and the Sardar housing scheme, tool kits, solar cooker, widow pensions, scholarships etc.

In all, there are 39.67 lakh BPL families in Gujarat of which more than 9.17 lakh BPL families are in urban areas.

The survey is based on the parameters of the 2002-03 socio-economic survey, which assigns a 0-4 score to the families against their size of land holding, type of house, average availability of normal clothing, type of indebtedness, food security, sanitation, consumer items, literacy status, status of the household labour force, status of children, means of livelihood, reason for migration, preference of assistance, dependent ladies and handicapped family members. A lower score means enhanced eligibility for a family to be issued a BPL card.

For instance, a family with no land scores zero while a family with more than five hectares of irrigated land gets a 4. Similarly, the scores are assigned against other parameters.

However, Neeta Hardikar, executive director of Anandi, an NGO working for food safety and rights of the poor, says the present 16-point criteria and “faulty schemes” planned on the basis of that are leading to wrong figures.

BANGLADESHI’S IN INDIA: MYTH AND REALITY

Ram Puniyani

The Assam violence between Bodos and Muslims, alleged by many to be Bangldeshi infiltrators, has a long chain of repercussions. The number of dead is nearly eighty. Killings are continuing and the people who have been displaced have been over 4 lakhs. There is no exact statistics to tell us how many of the displaced are Muslims and how many are Bodos, still roughly some investigators have put the figure of Muslims 80% and Bodos 20%. The few reports which have come out tell us that the condition of the all refugee camps is abysmal, much worse of those where Muslims are living. Meanwhile many a voices have come up to express their own opinions.

The BJP leaders have strongly asserted that the whole violence is due to the Bangla Deshi infiltrators, whose number is estimated as per the flight of one’s imagination ranging from 10 million to 20 million or even more. It is alleged that they have encroached, taken over the land of the local natives, which is causing the dissatisfaction and so the hate for them. This hate in turn is at the root of violence. This is one case where displacement overshadows the violence.

The Election Commissioner H.S. Brahma, a Bodo himself, went to the extent of saying that these infiltrators have gone up in number and so have become aggressive and attacked the local Bodos. The other point of view is that despite the formation of Bodo Territorial Council, the Bodos did not surrender their arms, which was one of the conditions for accepting the demand of this regional council. There are voices from BJP stable that this is an issue of Nationalism, the one of Indians and the other of Bangladeshis. Some of them have voiced that these Bangla Deshis should be disenfranchised and not be permitted to vote. As such already many of them are not allowed to vote by putting them in the category of ‘D’ voters, i.e. doubtful voters. As per BJP and company it is Congress, which has been encouraging the Bangladeshis to infiltrate so that they can be used as the vote bank by the Congress. Not to ignore that since major number of those in relief camps is that of Muslims, some Bodo groups have warned that the Muslims should not be permitted to return to their original places.

National Minorities Commission in its report has pointed out that there is no infiltration of Bangla Deshis as such and the issue is that between the Bodo ethnic groups, on one side and the Muslims, who have settled here from a long time, on the other. Before we come to the issue whether these are Bangla Deshi infiltrators, Bangldeshi migrants or the Muslims settlers from Bengal over a period of time, lets register that the Assam episode had a very painful after events. There were Hate emails, Hate web sites which warned the North Eastern people that revenge of Assam will be taken against them and this caused a mammoth exodus of North eastern people from all over, more particularly from Bangalore. The Web sites which did this dirty job, many of them have been blocked, it is said are from Pakistan, some 20% of the blocked sites are the one’s run by Hindutva groups also. Through leaflets and other mechanisms VHP and other groups are propagating that Hindus are being attacked by Muslims, the Bangla Deshi infiltrators.

Not to be left behind some orthodox, fanatic Muslim groups organized a protest rally in Azad Maidan of Mumbai, in which a preplanned act by a section of Muslims attacked the OB vans of media and the police officials. The restrained and effective leadership of Arup Patnaik was not to the liking of the communal elements and those politicking on the issue within the ruling party and so Mr. Patnaik has been punished by being kicked up, As such secular activists and large section of Muslims are in deep appreciation of Mr. Patnaik’s handling of the episode.

Coming back to the propaganda of Bangla Deshi infiltrators, many a researchers have proved on the basis of demographic data of last century in particular that the Muslims in the region are settlers from pre partition Bengal to begin with, later at the time of partition in 1947 and lastly at the time of Bangla Desh war in 1971. Assam accord of 1985 recognizes all those living in this area as the legal setters, most of the Muslim fall in that category. Not to deny that that some small number of illegal immigrants, the one’s forced to migrate for economic reasons is also there.

The change in demographic profile of Assam has taken place over a period of more than a century. It was mainly the British policy to release the pressure from the then Bengal province that they encouraged the Bengalis to settle in Assam. The last major migration has taken place around 1971, the Bangla war. After that the trickle has been there but the alleged infiltration is not there. Assam accord does recognize that all those who have settled before 1971 are legal Indian citizens, which most of the Muslims in Assam are. This is shown by the pattern of decadal growth in the region more particularly from 1950 onwards. The census figures clearly point out that after 1971; there is no major increase in the population of the area. The decadal growth in India, Assam, Dhubri, Dhemaji, and Karbi Anglong from 1971 to 1991 had been 54.51, 54.26, 45.65, 107.50, and 74.72 respectively. While the same in the decade of 1991-01 became 21.54, 18.92, 22.97, 19.45, 22.72 and in the decade of 01-11 it became 17.64, 16.93, 24.40, 20.30 and 18.69 respectively. Shivam Viz in Myth of Bangla Deshi and Violence in Assam (http://kafila.org/2012/08/16/the-myth-of-the-bangladeshi-and-violence-in-assam-nilim-dutta/) shows that the migration has taken place over a period of time and the increase of population stops after 1971.

If we just look at the decadal growth rates of population in two other districts of Assam, Dhemaji and Karbi Anglong, we will see that their growth rates in comparison have been more than twice that of Assam and substantially higher than even the ‘Muslim’ majority ‘border’ district of Dhubri. Yet, the Muslim population in Dhemaji and Karbi Anglong is minuscule. The Hindu population in these two districts is 95.94% and 82.39% Hindu respectively. Muslims constitute merely 1.84% and 2.22% respectively of their total populations, in spite of having consistent high decadal growth rates – Dhemaji touching 103.42% between 1961-71 and Karbi Anglong having a similar high of 79.21% between 1951-61. This should be testimony enough to show that there could be reasons apart from illegal immigration of Muslims behind a high decadal growth rate of population. In Assam there is a decline in the population in Kokrajhar, which is the seat of Bodo Territorial Council. It has the lowest population growth of 5.19%, from the earlier 14.49 per cent in 2001.

Understanding the truth and deeper analysis of the demographic pattern of Assam is very essential to understand the nature of present carnage, which is more of a sectarian nature, a group trying to assert ethnic domination in the region. The underlying causes, lack of development of the region, absence of jobs, is creating more pressure on the land, and the ‘sons of the soil’ politics is being brought up in a very painful manner. Not only do we need to assuage the present violence, there is a need to bring in amity between different communities with proper development of infrastructure, which gives the opportunities to all the citizens of the area.
http://kafila.org/2012/08/16/the-myth-of-the-bangladeshi-and-violence-in-assam-nilim-dutta/

Rehabilitation does not absolve Narendra Modi's govt of 2002 Gujarat riots: UK paper

London: A leading British daily on Tuesday suggested that Britain and other countries, who have decided to engage with Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi, should "make it clear that rehabilitation is not licence for the type of supremacist inspired nationalism that fuelled the 2002 massacres".

In a strongly-worded editorial, The Financial Times said "The timing (of Britain's decision to engage with Modi) is, however, highly questionable. It comes as Gujarat prepares for elections in December which Mr Modi is expected to win.

"His majority could be enhanced by his new-found international acceptance. Recognition may also boost his chances for India's national elections in 2014, where he is being cited as a possible prime minister.

"Mr Modi is now a far more serious contender than he would have been had he still been shunned internationally". In the editorial headlined 'Gujarat's Shame, Rehabilitation does not absolve Modi's government', the newspaper said "Modi, chief minister of Gujarat, is one of India's most dynamic and business-friendly states. But for 10 years he has also been an international outcast as the Hindu nationalist leader of a regional government accused of complicity in riots which killed an estimated 2,000 Muslims". The paper noted that Modi has never expressed any remorse or apologised for the killings.

“Politics of Communal Stereotyping and Minority Witch Hunt:

Public Meeting, “Politics of Communal Stereotyping and Minority Witch Hunt: State, Media and Commonsense”, Koyna Mess, 9.30

by Sucheta De on Monday, September 26, 2011 at 9:50am ·

Malegaon, Ajmer Sharif, Macca Masjid........ Hindu fundamentalist forces behind serial bomb-blasts in the country. Every single bomb blast was manufactured with a political intention of victimising the entire muslim populaion by the Sangh Giroh. After every single blast media created innumerable master minds, interestingly all muslims. Communal hatred was generated and muslims were targeted all over the country by the mainstream media with a solid institutional support.Revelations by ATS chief Hemant Karkare and confession by Swami Assemanand exposed that Sangh Giroh was the real master mind behind all the bomb blasts. Still many muslim youths are behind bars, still the country is made to believe that anti-muslim sentiment is real patriotism.Malegaon in Maharashtra and Azamgarh in UP are the two places where victimisation of muslims in the name of bomb blasts are the most.

AISA sent a fact-finding team in these two places on 27th May to expose the real face of saffron terror and judicial institutional bias against minorities in the 'world's largest democracy'. Today, we are releasing the students’ fact finding report on Minority witch hunt in Malegaon and Azamgarh in the Public Meeting, “Politics of Communal Stereotyping and Minority Witch Hunt: State, Media and Commonsense” in Koyna Mess at 9.30 PM. The members of victim families from Azamgarh and Malegaon will speak this meeting. The speakers are Ajit Sahi (Noted investigative journalist), Maninder Thakur (JNU), Maulana Abdul Qayyum Qasmi, (Secy. Jamiat Ulema-e-Hind, Malegaon), Jaleel Ahmad Masihullah, (Malegaon) M. Arif Naseem (Sanjarpur, Azamgarh) and Abu Zafar,( Milli Gazzette).

CORRUPTION AGAINST CORRUPTION !

New style politics come in India. Do you know Kejriwal ? yes kejriwal come against corruption. India against corruption( IAC). Well this is very good and we do not want corruption. It is the great problems in our country.But how?Do you tell us?
Here we see super drama by kejriwal . Indian politics are corrupted. All political parties are more or less corrupted and it is very true. No one can deny it. Because the total systems are corrupted. Kejriwal are trying popular among the peoples with this politics and his politics also corrupted. I do not belief that Kejriwal alone will do positive for country. He want to be a political leader like others politics. Nothing new here.
Corruption in India like a cancer. Peoples of India are against corruption. Mr Kejriwal are you really against corruption? Do you want some good for peoples of India? Do some positive and effective work for peoples and India. India is vast country and many social injustices are here. Absolute poverty , lack of pure drinking water, problems in health and education and dirty communal politics in India. These are real challenged in India today. Better to go for social work for better result. Please stop cheap politics and do not confused common peoples of India. If you want politics that mean you are a supporter  of corruption for your own interest.
It is clear that you have chosen to leave your job for your political ambitions! If tomorrow a bureaucrat of higher rank leaves the job then will you support him as well?
Are you really interested against corruption? If you have sustained evidence against someone why do not approach police, Anti corruption Burea ,CBI or Magistrate? Why you are not interested to do this? Without this you start movements and agitation against corruption. How can you charge some one without inquiry? What is the type of politics?
One question is not clear to us why you gave 2 crores to Anna? What about your NGO report? Your NGO report shows 70% as salaries and aids. Who finance your fasts and air travel ? You are unemployed and you   gave 2 crores to Anna. Can you tell us about it?
One another question is very surprise to us.that BJP  a well known for corruption come first to support you. what is the secret about it? Are you support BJP? Are you support corruption? Corruption against corruption!

DEVELOPMENT DYNAMICS IN GUJARAT

DEVELOPMENT DYNAMICS IN GUJARAT
Summary of the Findings

Is Gujarat the lucky star rising on the Indian horizon! Or Is Gujarat a story of Rousing Growth Amidst Raging Disparities?  A recent study, conducted by researchers from the Jawaharlal Nehru University and supported by the Institute of Development Communication, Chandigarh suggests that there is more to worry about Gujarat then some decades ago. Today, 21st century ‘developed’ India is more concerned about ethics, justice, and sustainability of development. Evaluating the experience of development in Gujarat, particularly in the last decade or so, the study tell us that Gujarat is a story where goals like social equality, sustainable livelihoods, access to education and health, justice and peace have been missed by governance in high-speed lane.

The findings of the study are based on careful analysis of information provided by the Government sources. The study (in press currently) has been conducted by a team of young scholars from JNU, under the leadership of Dr. Atul Sood. Following papers are part of this study: Rousing Growth Amidst Ragging Disparities – Atul Sood; Dynamics of Growth in Gujarat – Ruchika Rani;  Sources and Patterns of Private Investment in Gujarat – Santosh Kumar Das;  Public-Private Partnership: Insights  from Infrastructure Development – Pankaj Vashisht And Gaurav Arya; Selective Development in Gujarat: A Study of the Manufacturing Sector- Sangeeta Ghosh; Ynderstanding Gujarat’s Agricultural Growth in a Liberalizing Environment: Signs of a Redefined Margin – Sucharita Sen and Chinmoye Malik;  Work and Livelihoods: Mapping Regional and Social Differences – Kalaiyarasan. A; Growth with Limited Outcomes: Poverty and Inequality in Gujarat- Nidhi Mittal; An Analysis of State of Education in Gujarat- Sourindra Ghosh ; and  Rich State with Poor Health: Disappointing Status of Public Health in Gujarat- Sandeep Sharma

The study on Gujarat is an eye opener for those who believe and suggest that India needs to replicate Gujarat’s economic model. The study dissects the experience carefully, it does not deny the facts, but reallocates them. The study highlights how the current model of development, in Gujarat, is anti poor, anti dalit, anti women and against all minorities and people on the margins.

Private Investment led Growth

The study reveals that the performance of the state of Gujarat on investment, infrastructure, agriculture and manufacturing looks impressive on a first look. However, there is nothing to boast about, if we look at the outcomes on employment, poverty, inequality, consumption, education and health. In fact, the poor performance of the state on those fronts, that matter the most to people, compel us to relook at the growth strategy itself. Numerous initiatives that the state has taken in the recent years confirm that rulers in Gujarat have unqualified faith in the workings of the market and the private investor. Some examples that are highlighted in the studies and those that reflect complete dependence of the current regime on the private sector for growth and development are: legislative changes in the land use norms that have reinforced the speculation in land; prioritizing infrastructure development towards those project that strengthen investments and profitability of the investor, instead of creating infrastructure to meet the needs of the ordinary people; neglect of human habitations in improving access through rail and road and facilitating access of SEZ, SIRs and other private investment; dependence on private initiative in the social sector and neglecting public expenditure in the social sector; selective nature of manufacturing growth and reinforcement of capital intensive manufacturing; neglect of employment and wages in the manufacturing sector; corporatization of agriculture, marginalization of small farmers and privatization of village commons; and neglect of socially iniquitous outcomes in the development strategy to remove poverty, increasing consumption and reducing inequality.

The authors suggest that one consequence of this unqualified faith on private investor has meant that the investor is no longer the source for resources but one who is deciding the priorities of development.  The researchers suggest that the reasons for the much talked about ‘confidence of the investor’ in the state, also needs to examined very carefully. The fact that Economic Survey of 2011 lists Gujarat as the worst labour unrest state in the country does not square up with the ‘confidence of the investor’ story! How and why do investors remain convinced of the ‘rule of law’ in the state, given the unrest? Dr. Sood suggests that this confidence of the investor appears to be inspired more by the authoritarian assertion of the state in the recent years, the brash pride of the state to demonstrate brute force, rather than the ‘success’ of ‘better’ governance. It is this culture of authoritarianism, which gives faith and belief to the investor, to invest in Gujarat, even when this authoritarianism has manifested itself more recently in spectacular form in acts of violence against the religious minorities, scheduled tribes and lower castes. The harnessing of state resources, in Gujarat, towards crushing resistance is not new. It has been seen in the state for many years now, including the days of resistance to development projects like Narmada dam. Ruling regimes, across the spectrum, have contributed to construct this ‘image’ of the state. The study draws out the following main points about the state’s growth performance and its outcomes.

Growth Performance

GDP growth in Gujarat has been impressive in comparison to all India level in the last two decades. The high growth rates in the state has been the result of good performance by all the sectors, particularly agriculture. The growth rate of the industrial sector was higher than the services during 80s and 90s in the state. But in the last decade both industrial and service sector grew at 11 percent per annum; which is distinct from the all India pattern of growth, wherein the service sector has been the chief driver of Growth.

Gujarat agriculture has recorded the fastest growth since 2000 among all states and this growth is more than three times higher than the all India growth levels. There have been notable shifts towards cash crops and high value agricultural products (which has lower participation of small farmers) at the cost of declining shares of food grains in terms of acreage, output and value. This remarkable agricultural growth  in the state in the recent years has taken place in the backdrop of an extra-ordinarily liberalized agricultural land policy regime. There is evidence of further marginalization of the already vulnerable economic and social groups in terms of access to cultivated land over the last five years in the state as a result of corporatizing agriculture.

Gujarat has also encouraged the secondary sector through greater expenditures on physical capital than on human capital and has chosen the path of unbalanced and inequitable growth with emphasis on directly productive capital rather than creating social overhead capital. The Gujarat government has given an array of fiscal and financial incentives to attract industries. Most importantly, Gujarat developed its infrastructure for industries through an array of initiatives involving chiefly private participation. Industrial experience in Gujarat is one that has witnessed high concentration in industrial sectors, incomes and regions. While the state holds the first position in terms of contribution of the manufacturing sector to GSDP, and this share has increased over the decades, there is a distinct mismatch in the contribution of the secondary sector to GSDP and the employment generated by the sector which has been low and has remained stagnant over the decades. Post-reforms, Gujarat’s manufacturing sector has become tremendously capital intensive and has the most capital intensive manufacturing process in India.

Work and Livelihoods

In spite of successful growth in the state, the aggregate employment in Gujarat has remained stagnant. The Compound Annual Growth Rate (CAGR) of employment, for the period of 1993-94 to 2004-05, using NSSO data, suggests that employment  grew at 2.69 percentages per annum, whereas for 2004-05 to 2009-10 it came down to almost zero. Employment has fallen in the manufacturing and primary sector between 2005-10. Whatever marginal growth has happened in employment, it has occurred mainly in services sector, especially, in the urban areas  and mostly this job creation is casual in nature. Changes in the employment structure for the marginalised social groups, like scheduled tribes, are diametrically opposite to the changes in the growth structure – their dependence on agriculture has increased, particularly during 2005-10 and gains of diversification of the 90s have been lost. The distribution of employment across sectors for the STs and religious minorities has tilted towards traditional sectors like agriculture, while it has been stagnant for SCs and OBCs. Scheduled tribes have a marginal share in regular employment. For the STs it is 7% today, same as in 93-94 and for Muslims it is 14% today, it was 15% in 93-94. Overall, income structure in Gujarat has experienced a structural shift but this shift does not get reflected in the changes in the structure of employment (88% income comes from non agriculture but it provides only 47% employment).

Employment has also been the biggest causality of the ‘successful’ manufacturing growth in Gujarat. Manufacturing in Gujarat, has been capital intensive, is characterized by low employment generation, slow growth in wages (1.5% in the decade of 2000), increasing use of contract workers (increased from 19 to 34% between 2001-08),  and overall reduced position of workers in the manufacturing sector. This worsening condition of workers is accompanied by increasing profitability and growing investment in these sectors.

Growth Outcomes

It is also true that Gujarat has lagged behind its competing states in terms of consumption growth, poverty reduction as well as decrease in inequality. The average monthly consumption expenditure in the rural areas was equal to the national average between 1993 and 2005. In the last five years, the rural monthly consumption expenditure grew at 2.05 percent per annum, which is much lower than what was achieved by states like Maharashtra and Tamil Nadu, but marginally more than the national growth in consumption expenditure of 1.97 percent per annum. In the urban areas, the growth in average monthly consumption expenditure in the state of Gujarat, was marginally less than the national average between 2005-10 (2.13 percent per annum compared to average of 2.4%) and the advantage that the state had between 1993-05 was lost during 2005-10. Overall, average monthly consumption expenditure in Gujarat during 2005-10, barely equaled  the national average. Reduction in poverty in rural Gujarat between 2005-10 was reasonable (2.5 percent per annum compared to average of 1.7) but the head count ratio in 2009-10 (26.63) in Gujarat was higher than many comparable states. The changes in poverty levels in the Urban areas was much less in Gujarat between 1993-05 and 2005-10 (declined by less than half a percentage point, while the average decline was close to one percent per annum). Head count ratio of poverty in Urban Gujarat in 2009-10  (17.66) was less than the national average (20.85). Aggregate inequality has increased in Gujarat during 1993-05, as well as between 2005-10, though the increase is marginal in the last five years of 2000. The reason for this slowing down of increase in inequality is because of the decline in inequalities in the rural areas. In other comparable states inequality has fallen much faster during the years 2005-10.

Gujarat is a rich state with poor education and health outcomes. The papers in this study suggest this in their findings. The comparative position of the state in literacy rates and percentage of children currently in school, both six years and above and six to fourteen, has deteriorated between 1999-00 and 2007-08. As an instance, the fall in the rank of the state for percentage of school enrollment six years and above was from 23 to 30, amongst all states of India. The ‘lucky star’ (Gujarat) on the Indian horizon ranks 23, 30, or 19, 21, 26 amongst 35 Union Territories and Indian states is a matter of great concern and shock. The story is no different if we look at the caste and gender gap in outcomes of education in the state. Things have worsened, instead of improving, in relation to the national average. One of the reasons of this poor performance seems to be dwindling government expenditure. Government expenditure on education as a proportion to total expenditure is lower in Gujarat than all states combined figures. and it is falling since 1999-2000. Government expenditure on education as a proportion to GSDP is lower in Gujarat than all states combined figures; it is falling since 1999-2000, and at a much faster rate than the all-states combined figures. State neglect of education is worrisome given the fact that 64% of currently going-to-school persons (5-29 years) are in government institutions, which is comparable to all-India level.

Gujarat’s health status clearly highlights the missing link between economic growth and its impact on human well being. Health status of the state clearly show that there is much to be done. Gujarat is ranked 10th in rate of decline in IMR. Tamil Nadu and Maharashtra with low level of IMR in 1990 compared to Gujarat have shown higher rate of decline. Decline in IMR not been able to bridge the  Rural Urban Gap. Rural Urban Gap in IMR has increased between 1990 and 2004 and there was no change in the ratio between 2000 and 2010. There have been poor Gains in reducing Gender Gap in IMR. There has been an increase in disparity ratio during 1990-95 to 2000-2004. Disparity ratio for SC and others in 1998-99 at 1.48 was higher than the national average of 1.34. In 2005-06 it stood at 1.38 still higher than the national average of 1.36. Disparity ratio for ST and others have also shown increase between 1998-99 and 2005-06. Disparity ratio of 1.82 in 2005-06 is highest across all the states.  Incidence of under nutrition in state of Gujarat for the year 1998-99 was lower than the national average; across all social groups. It is disturbing to note that in 2005-2006 under nutrition in Gujarat was higher than the national average. The level of under nutrition for SCs of Gujarat is close to the national average and for STs it is higher than the national average; for ‘others’ it is lower than the national average. Immunization of children in Gujarat has been above the national average in 1999 and in 2006. The social gap for Gujarat in immunization was better than the national average in both the time periods. However, social gap in ante natal care has increased between 1999 and 2006. The rank of the state has declined from 9th in 1990-95 to 11th in 2005-2010; Other developed states such as Tamil Nadu, Haryana and Maharashtra have done much better. These outcomes have to be seen in relation to the priority of the government towards health. Like other states share of health expenditure in total government expenditure has declined. However, the share of expenditure in the state is less than the national average. There is a very high reliance on the private sector in Gujarat both in rural and urban areas. This gets reflected in the fact that there is a decline in use of government health service across all the income groups, barring the lowest income group in rural areas. In urban areas we see a similar declining trend in use of government services but the decline has been quite significant in lowest income group. Unequal health achievement across social groups reflects the existing health inequity in the state. Government’s role in delivery of health services have been questionable and this trend calls for attention as poor in large number in rural areas still depends on government health services.

Way Out

All these facts compel us to ask how do we explain the socially exclusionary outcomes of growth? What is the root cause of these uneven outcomes? Are these unequal and unjust outcomes result of neglect and therefore by highlighting the plight of the neglected we try to achieve ‘recognition’ for them.  Or are these outcomes just an unintended consequence of the existing model of development and we need to address the individual and group disadvantages (education, skills and social capital for better paid employment, stop overt discrimination etc.) so that ‘every one’ has equal access to gains from growth. Alternatively, we might argue that structural change must occur to overcome this exclusion. This implies that the roots of inequalities are in the neo-liberal economy that negates the possibility of a level playing field. This work on Gujarat model, a model which is a more ‘smoother’ implementation of the Indian model of development of recent years, argues that more than neglect or non recognition, social and economic disadvantages experienced in the state are rooted in the nature of economic models chosen by the state. We need to construct an alternative development strategy for the state. A strategy which recognizes that markets are not the only drivers of growth. Growth can also happen by limiting and harnessing the power of markets and fostering growth with social justice.

VICIOUS CYCLE OF ISLAMOPHOBIA

VICIOUS CYCLE OF ISLAMOPHOBIA
Ram Puniyani

We are going through strange times. While the science, technology and rationalism has given us physical and intellectual tools to better the lot of humanity, we are witnessing the production of provocative material, literature and films in particular, which demonize the particular religion, Islam to be precise, and the prophet of Islam. On the other hand there is a section of community, feeling threatened and insecure coming to the streets to protest against such humiliation and insult of their religion. There are debates on freedom of expression, but how come the freedom of expression always goes to humiliate and demonize one particular religion only?

Currently (September 2012), there are massive protests in different countries against the American embassies, resulting in death of four from the US staff, including Ambassador Chris Stevens, in Benghazi. Different countries are asking Google, the owner of YouTube, which is hosting this provocative and insulting video clip, ‘Innocence of Muslims’, to withdraw the film clip. At places the video clip has been withdrawn and blocked. US sticks to its ‘Freedom of Expression’ stance and the many protesters are still on the streets.

The film clip, of around 14 minutes duration is part of the full length feature film made by Nakoula Basseley, a US based Christian. The film is very insulting to Islam. In this film large number of modern day mob of bearded Muslims is shown to be attacking Christians. It also takes the audience back in time to show a distorted life of Prophet Mohammad with negative and aggressive traits of personality. It is crude film, made in extremely poor taste and has generated strong reaction amongst large section of Muslims. It must be pointed out that this is not the only type of reaction to this film. There are sections of clerics who have asked the Muslims to keep restrain. Quoting the moral precepts from Islam, Quran, they said that Islam is a religion of peace and no violent protests should be held. The best response to this despicable film has been from a section of Muslims distributing the book on life of Prophet Mohammad, the prophet of peace.

During last several years, it has become a sort of standard pattern by many in the West and some here in India to demonize Islam. We remember the Danish cartoon of Prophet, where he is shown as a terrorist, with a bomb tucked in his turban. A Florida Pastor went on to burn this holy book, Koran, saying that Koran teaches violence. Some US soldiers in Afghanistan also burnt copies of Koran, on the ground that the terrorist elements had written messages on those copies.

The demonization of Islam and Muslims has a pattern and agenda. The cartons and films are the outcome of the deeper political processes, which aim to control the oil wells in West Asia. The imperialist greed of United States marshaled the flag of “Islam the New threat” since Ayatollah Khomeini came to power in Iran, overthrowing the US stooge Raza Shah Pahlavi. Later the slogan was worsened with US setting up Madrassas in Pakistan to train Al Qaeda-Taliban to initiate the Muslim youth to fight against the occupying Russian armies in Afghanistan. The word, Jihad and kafir were distorted to indoctrinate the Muslim youth in these Madrassas. With later trajectories and the event of 9/11, World Trade Center attack, the US media with all its guile, popularized the phrase ‘Islamic Terrorism’. The phrase was picked up by the media all over the World and later became part of the social common sense. This is a major abuse of religion for political goals by the imperialist power. One can understand this demonization of Islam as a part of US policy, a cover to hide its agenda to control the oil. To understand it in the way Noam Chomsky ‘coined the phrase’ Manufacturing Consent’, the coining of the word Islamic terrorism is part of the US mechanism of manufacturing consent of the world to give assent to the US attacks on Afghanistan and Iraq.

This US policy gas given rise to twin processes. On one hand the phenomenon like a Florida Pastor Terry Jones burning Koran or the Danish cartoonist drawing Prophet Mohammad as terrorist or the present film has been the outcome of the intense propaganda against Islam. This US propaganda has been backed up by the US sponsored ideology of ‘Clash of Civilizations’, according to which the current era of World History is the era of assault of backward Islamic civilization on the advanced Western civilization. This distorted perception, this ideology was used as a cover for US agenda in West Asia. The other process which got unleashed was that the psyche of global Muslim community started being affected. The perception came up that Muslims (Afghanistan and Iraq) are being attacked, they are under threat. In India the added aspect was the rise of RSS type politics, bringing up Ram Temple issue and starting hatred for Muslims. A large section of Muslims started feeling intimidated and besieged. It became easy for mobilizing them around identity issues. Any community which feels besieged, section of it becomes vulnerable to easy provocation and identity based mobilization.

It is a vicious circle, the Islamophobia on one side and besieged community on the other. In this scenario the Muslim clerics who are asking for peace are the beacon lights of hope for the community. The Muslims who are distributing the books on life of prophet need to be complimented. This is what the sane response from the community has to be. What about US, imperialist designs and its mighty propaganda machinery doing all the mischief in the world? Can there be a process of controlling that? Under Kofi Annan, when he was Secretary General of United Nations, a high level committee produced a report, ‘Alliance of Civilizations’. This report got lost under the barrage of Islamphobia. It is time the world as such takes note of the deeper humane values which have developed by humanity over a period of time, the values which have led to the reports of type of ‘Alliance of civilizations’, the UN conventions which have conceptualized the Human rights for all.

The trigger which has incited the demonization process of religion and films like this one are provoking these insane reactions from a section of Muslims. Can United Nations be revived as a global platform for monitoring the norms for Nations, media and other aspects of our global life evolved to ensure that democratization and human dignity is promoted. Can the World come forward to check the aggressions of ‘The Super Power’? That’s when such films will cease to act as factors promoting violent reactions. And even such crude attempts at insulting others’ religion will come down. May be with such norms and restraints on US policies we can hope that such incidents will come down. Even if there are elements making some films like this there will be others making a film giving their own versions of Prophet’s Mission of peace in the World.

And finally we also need to preserve the concept of freedom of expression moderated with its limits. We also need to cultivate methods of protest where hysterical emotions are kept at bay and rational approach is brought to the fore.

Ex-RSS chief Sudarshan reached out to Muslims

 K.S. Sudarshan, who died early on Saturday, tried reaching out to Muslims and Christians during the nine years he headed the RSS, India’s most influential Hindu group.

The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh appartachik was also a passionate votary of ‘Swadeshi’. His bluntness at times discomforted his RSS colleagues and those in the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) as well.

An engineer by training, the 81-year-old was a whole-timer of RSS for more than five decades. He headed RSS from 2000 to 2009, during which time Atal Bihari Vajpayee was prime minister (1998-2004). On more than one occasion, Sudarshan made it clear that he was not happy with the BJP-led Vajpayee coalition on core Hindutva issues.

He generated controversy with a suggestion in 2005 that Vajpayee and BJP star L.K. Advani should step down and let a younger generation take charge of the then ruling party.

As chief of BJP’s ideological fountainhead, Sudrashan made Sangh’s views known to Vajpayee from time to time.

Surdarshan’s comments at Bhopal in 2010 calling Congress president Sonia Gandhi a CIA agent angered the Congress. Both the BJP and RSS distanced themselves from his remarks. Well-read in Marxism, the RSS chief was a firm believer in Swadeshi, saying the philosophy of self-reliance was a way to make the society more equitable.

He stressed on self-sustaining rural economy and sustainable consumption. The Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh (BMS) said Sudarshan strived a lot to bridge the gulf between the Indian Muslims and Christians with the Hindu society.

“He personally attended and interacted with many scholars with the same purpose.

He was the main speaker at the Sarva Pantha Samadar Manch of BMS, which works for inter-religious harmony. Sudarshan was born in Raipur into a Brahmin famil o June 18, 1931. He attended an RSS shakha at the young age of nine. He became a pracharak in 1954. In 1964, he was made the prant pracharak of Madhya Bharat (undivided Madhya Pradesh).

Sudarshan worked in India’s northeast from 1977 and was appointed head of Boudhik Cell (think tank) two years later.

In 1990, he became the RSS joint general secretary.

Sudarshan knew several languages including Kannada, Marathi, Hindi and English. He advocated simplicity in political life and also led an austere life.

RSS and BJP leaders recalled his sharp memory and his ability to remember names of long forgotten associates. “He was a very simple man and highly intellectual,” said former BJP president M. Venkaiah Naidu.